Thursday, December 13, 2012

CBC will answer to Canadian Senate for dismantling RCI

Canadian Senator Hugh Segal issued a statement today on the unanimous vote in the Senate to have a special committee enquiry into the CBC decision to slash the RCI budget by 80 per cent. The statement said:

I am delighted that, in a non partisan way, the Senate voted to have the RCI matter go to a full review of the Standing Senate Committee on Transport and Communications. My motion was amended by Senator Champagne to go to a full committee hearing rather than a one day appearance before bar of the Senate.

"That a ten percent cut to the CBC budget produced an 80 percent slash and burn of  Radio Canada International reflects an internal CBC management decision which needs to be better understood.  CBC management may well believe that if they let people go and dismantle transmitters, the problem will go away.

"The importance of Canada's voice to the rest of the world is not a detail of no consequence. The chance to call witnesses, pursue how other enlightened countries have expanded their short wave capacity, among other facts, will be a constructive step ahead in strengthening Canada's international voice.

Committee hearings on this matter may start as early as February 2013.

The Conservative Senator has taken exception to the disproportionate cuts to RCI by management at CBC and has been calling for answers ever since they were announced on April 4, 2012.

It's nice to see that he is getting support in the Senate without partisan politics getting in the way. Partisanship just makes it difficult to get to the bottom of this issue.

There's not been much objective analysis published, and it's disappointing how quickly the public discourse has descended to mostly acrimonious partisan politics. It's downright disheartening to see how easy it is for political pedants to throw out red herrings and completely derail a discussion.

Sure, it was Conservative MP James Moore, the Minister of Canadian Heritage and Official Languages, who signed a new order in council  in June that removed the obligation for the CBC to provide a shortwave service.

But according to an advocacy group for RCI, the service was also on the chopping block under previous governments, and was drastically cut back in 2001 under the then-Liberal government.

Unfortunately, Minister Moore has offered little in the way of enlightenment, which has only fueled the speculation by opponents of the current government of some sort of "secret agenda" at play.

Nor is there much insight to be gleaned from the orders in council themselves ... either the 2003 version or the newly-changed 2012 version.

Perhaps there is a secret agenda. Perhaps it is the government's ... but perhaps it's not. At any rate, why isn't anyone in the media at least asking that question?

Well, Senator Segal has been asking pointed questions and demanding answers. Shortwave and RCI fans are very fortunate that he has brought forth a reasonable and well-reasoned voice, and furthermore that he has made it heard above the rabble of partisan potshots.

An excellent article about Senator Segal's efforts to hold CBC management accountable for its draconian decisions at RCI was posted on the Puget Sound Radio website here.

As well, I spoke with Senator Segal by phone last month, and the interview was aired on Media Network Plus (on the November 3rd edition).  You can download the show here or listen the stand-alone interview here.

Keith and I are following the story closely and we'll be sharing our findings on future editions of Media Network Plus which is heard on the World Radio Network, SiriusXM, SkyDigital and great partner stations around the world.

Monday, November 26, 2012

Canada's former Ambassador to Ukraine assesses election and future prospects

The elections in Ukraine are over and (to no one's real surprise) the incumbent, Victor Yanukhovych, won ... albeit amdist accusations and eye-witness accounts of election fraud and irregularities by international election observers.
The Chief Election Observer for the Ukrainian World Congress during the 2012 election in Ukraine was Derek Fraser, former Canadian Ambassador to Ukraine (1998-2001). 
Fraser delivered the keynote speech at the 45th Anniversary Banquet of the Ukrainian World Congress, which took place on November 17, 2012 at St. Joseph’s Ukrainian Catholic Church and Heritage Centre in Oakville, Ontario. He spoke to events witnessed by election observers, many of which were not disclosed or fully covered in the international media.

Here is the text of his speech, entitled "In the Aftermath of the Elections: Where Do We Go from Here?"

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentleman,

As Chief Election Observer for the International Election Observer Mission of the Ukrainian World Congress, I am pleased to report back to you on the degree of fairness of the parliamentary elections, as well as to consider where the Ukrainian nation that has emerged from the elections is heading and what influence we may bring to bear to support Ukrainian sovereignty and a return to democracy.

I would like to thank the Ukrainian World Congress, together with the Canada Ukraine Foundation and the Ukrainian Canadian Congress, for having supported our Mission. Ours was the largest non-government supported Mission observing the elections in Ukraine. I believe it proved its usefulness by providing an independent viewpoint, unconstrained by any political considerations. I hope that the findings of the Mission will support the useful work the UWC is doing in presenting the views of the Ukrainian diaspora to governments concerned with Ukraine. I hope that the UWC will find it useful to support such observer missions for future Ukrainian elections.

Our Election Observer Mission began its work on July 12. When the Mission came under the jurisdiction of the Ukrainian World Congress on September 17. The President of the Ukrainian Canadian Congress, Paul Grod, and Tamara Olexy, President of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, became co-heads of Mission, while I the chief Observer. We fielded between three and five long- term observers to analyze the election campaign. For a long period, however, there were only three of us. I would like to pay a special tribute to the contributions of Peter Sochan and our Ukrainian adviser, Virginia Dronova. For the elections themselves, we brought in 250 short-term observers from approximately 20 countries.

We found that the elections did not meet the minimum requirements for international standards for democratic elections. We noted that the election campaign was characterized by:

  • the imprisonment of two major leaders of the opposition,
  • restricted media freedom,
  • non-transparent and uncontrolled election expenditures, including the use of government finances and government officials,
  • the gerrymandering of a significant number of electoral districts by the Central Electoral Commission, raising questions about the Commission’s independence and impartiality,
  • the skewed membership of the Electoral Commissions at the constituency and polling station levels, leading to doubts about their ability to produce credible election results,
  • the blatant bribery of voters,
  • a growing number of incidents, often involving the authorities, of harassment, intimidation and, in some cases, violence, principally directed against the opposition.

On voting day, our observers reported several serious violations, such as duplicate ballot boxes, a great surplus of ballots at some polling stations, and a shortage at others. In past elections, surplus ballots have been used for fraudulent purposes.

After the elections, our observers continued to monitor the uncompleted counting of the ballots in several constituencies. They condemned the falsification of the election results in several constituency Electoral Commissions. They pointed out the substantial discrepancies between the official protocols of voting results prepared by the polling stations and the final tallies posted by the Central Electoral Commission. They called on the Central Electoral Commission to avoid formal recognition of illegitimate election results and Ukrainian authorities to respect the rule of law.

On November 5 in Kyiv, opposition leaders demanded that officials recount votes in 13 constituencies, where, according to the tally in the polling stations, the opposition had won, but which the Central Electoral Commission had proclaimed, were victories for the pro-government parties. The election authorities offered, subject to the approval of parliament, to rerun the vote in five of these constituencies.

In undertaking the role as Chief Observer of the Mission, I considered that one of the roles of international observer missions should be to exercise a restraining influence of the official conduct of the election campaign by drawing attention to abuses of the authorities.

To some extent, international pressure, allied with domestic opposition, did have some influence. Spurious criminal charges were dropped against the manager of the one remaining national independent television station TVI. A law on criminal libel was abandoned. In response to the complaint of a leading weekly, Ukrainsky Tizhden, that its distribution was being hampered following criticism of the government, the Prime Minister called on news agents to permit the free distribution of all publications. Parliament is likely to approve new elections in five ridings where the District Electoral Commissions sought to falsify results.

Although it is not certain, the vigour of Ukraine’s human rights organizations, the strength of the opposition, and international exposure, may have also had some influence in keeping the elections partially free. The reversion to authoritarianism could have gone further. The opposition, in part for reasons I will go into later, did at the end receive a more balanced coverage on television. In spite of hindrances, the opposition was able to run a vigorous campaign. The public will was, although imperfectly, expressed in the results.

It appears, however, that where President Yanukovych has made certain gestures towards domestic and international opinion, he only did so if these gestures would not detract seriously from his principal goal of remaining in power.

The considerable incentives that the international community did offer for conducting honest elections and releasing the two major political prisoners, Yuliya Tymoshenko and Yuriy Lutsenko, including support by the United States, the Association and Free Trade Agreement with the EU, and the Free Trade Agreement with Canada, while desirable, seem to have counted for less for President Yanukovych than the desire to obtain, in spite of growing discontent, a majority in parliament of at least 226, and if possible, the 300 necessary to amend the constitution, apparently so that he could be re-elected as President by parliament, instead of by the population, when his term is up in 2015.

In fact, the Party of Regions lost between 25–30 percent of its votes (2 million voters) compared to the elections of 2006 and 2007. According to the official figures for all but five of the seats, the Party of Regions won only 185 seats. The Party will, however, attempt to create a majority by absorbing its clones among the independent candidates, who took 43 seats, and the small parties, which got six. The Party of Regions will then likely use its usual tactics of bribe and blackmail to rob deputies from the opposition parties. The principal opposition party, Batkivschyna, got 101 seats, UDAR, received 40, and Svoboda, 37. The Party of Regions had hoped to have the Communists, who obtained 32 seats, as a coalition partner. They, however, have declined.

Whatever the success of these manoeuvres, the structure that emerges may be prone to splitting. It will certainly will likely fall short of the majority needed to change the constitution.

Yanukovych’s hold on power has a purpose. After the Russian revolution, when Lenin saw that no other country would succumb to communism, he adopted the policy of socialism within one country. President Yanukovych has stood Lenin’s policy on its head. He has adopted the policy of capitalism within one Family. He has set out to enrich his immediate Family, not only at a cost to the country, but also at the expense of his erstwhile oligarch allies. Formerly highly placed government officials have estimated to us that every year the Yanukovych Family is draining for its own purposes billions of dollars from government revenues. What is more, the Family is also trespassing on the wealth of Yanukpovych’s oligarch allies. The discontent that the Yanukovych Family’s greediness is arousing in the general population, and the ill will that it is generating among the oligarchs, suggest that this policy cannot be pursued successfully without increasing repression.

Among some of Yanukovych’s band of associates, several factors, possibly a fear of increased repression, certainly, a growing resentment at the grasp of the Family, concern that Ukraine may miss the boat with Europe, and possibly growing popular discontent, have in turn, the potential to lead them to break with the President, destabilizing Ukrainian politics. In the recent parliamentary elections, certain oligarchs appear to have sought to encourage a hung parliament in order to force the Yanukovych administration to compromise with the opposition so as to weaken his control and lead to economic reforms and other policies acceptable to the West. The financing they have provided to opposition parties may have gone beyond their traditional support for technical or fictitious parties, a tactic originally designed to divide the opposition vote. In addition, in the latter weeks of the campaign, some of the oligarch television stations started to give a more balanced coverage to the various parties.

These gestures of independence by some of the oligarchs, combined with other signs of tension within Yanukovych’s erstwhile circle of allies, have given rise to the suspicion among Yanukovych’s former partners that Yanukovych may be tempted to do a deal with the Russians by agreeing to join the Russian dominated Eurasian Customs Union in return for Russian help in re-establishing control over his associates.

Yanukovych would, however, according to one report, only contemplate a sellout to Russia if he had lost all hope of receiving backing from the West, and especially from the United States.

There is considerable evidence that the relationship between Yanukovych and Putin is highly acrimonious. Yanukovych would likely only consider a surrender to Putin as a remedy of last resort.

In return, we see some signs that some in the EU are considering how the EU could regain influence with the Yanukovych administration to as to persuade the President to carry out genuine reforms. They wish to get out of the blind ally in which the EU finds itself, in which no progress can be made on the Association and Free Trade Agreement without the release of the political prisoners and free elections. Because of these conditions, the EU now has effectively few levers over Yanukovych.

The UWC might therefore encourage the EU to show flexibility in its policy towards Ukraine.

Andrew Wilson, a Senior Policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations, has suggested looking for possibilities to split off from the Association Agreement areas in which progress can be made and to go forward on bilateral co-operation by member states.

As a counterweight to agreeing to move ahead in some fields, Wilson has proposed that the EU countries should refuse to provide visas to supporters of the Family suspected of criminal activities or human rights violations, and should investigate for malfeasance companies closely associated with the Family.

When we consider the outcome of the elections, and the apparent aims of the President, what lessons should we draw for Canadian and US policy toward Ukraine?

We must avoid the tendency to give up on Ukraine. It is important that both countries should continue to be involved in Ukraine in supporting Ukrainian independence, in promoting democratic and economic reforms where possible, and in strengthening the civil society. We should maintain an active aid policy. Furthermore, Canada might co-ordinate with the EU its policy on concluding the Free Trade Agreement with Ukraine. The proposed Canada–Ukraine Free Trade Agreement, as one member of Yanukovych’s team remarked, does not count for much by itself. In our opinion, in co-ordination with the EU’s policy it however does matter.

As a means of exerting pressure for good behaviour on the Yanukovych regime, in the absence of many other levers, the West might also consider the idea of targeted sanctions against certain members of President Yanukovych’s entourage. Our impression in Ukraine was that the possibility of targeted sanctions of any sort has, more than any other measure, got supporters and members of the Yanukovych clan spooked. This fear may account in part for the increased willingness of certain oligarchs to reconsider their relationship with Yanukovych.

Canada might consider refusing visas to supporters of the Family suspected of criminal activities or human rights violations. Canada should however, co-ordinate such a policy with its allies. Otherwise, it would be open to retaliation. The United States has formally ruled out targeted sanctions against Ukraine at this stage. The United States is, however, refusing visas to Ukrainians suspected of gross criminal activities, The British have refused a visa to a person suspected of human rights violations. Canada could also keep, in conjunction with its allies, a close eye on the practices of companies belonging to members of the family.

If the political situation in Ukraine continues on its downward course, the West should not wait until it is too late before taking action. The United States did impose targeted sanctions on certain Ukrainians after the second round of the election of 2004, the round that precipitated the Orange revolution. The parliamentary elections of 2012 approach the elections of 2004 in dirtiness.

Above all, we must be prepared to be in Ukraine for the long haul. Until now, our policy toward Ukraine has been buttressed by the often unspoken assumption that we would help lead Ukraine by easy stages to becoming a stable democratic country with a prosperous market economy. In making this assumption we may have underestimated the difficulties created for Ukraine by its difficult history. Unlike the countries in Eastern Central Europe that became independent at the same time, Ukraine had, at the moment of independence, only been obliquely affected by the evolution of the Western culture from authoritarianism to pluralism. Ukraine had little tradition of the backbone of democracy, which is the separation of powers. The country had had no previous experience as an independent state or, since the First World War, as a market economy. It had few of the government structures needed to run a state.

There are very few European counties that have smoothly made the transition from dictatorship to democracy. Most making the journey before the advent of the EU, have fallen back at least once. Ukraine has not had the benefit of an offer of EU membership, an offer that has eased the way to democracy for so many other counties in eastern Central Europe and the Balkans.

In contrast, Ukraine has faced frequent Russian interference in its internal affairs and is now under pressure to join not only the Eurasian Customs Union, but also the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). These structures would give Russia strong voice over the economies, the finances, and the defence of the other members, and accord Russia the right to intervene militarily to keep the other states in line.

An independent Ukraine free from Russian domination remains important for both stability in Europe and the possibility of the West eventually reaching an understanding with Russia. The relationship between Russia and Ukraine is likely to remain difficult for the foreseeable future. Relations between successor states often remain unsettled for a long period of time. Furthermore, the Russian imperial tradition conceives of Ukraine as being a part of Russia.

Should Russia succeed in re-establishing its hegemony over Ukraine, it could prolong the instability of the area, prevent the spread of democracy, divide Europe, and, by offending our consciences, make it difficult for the West to achieve reconciliation with Russia.

In view of these factors, the West should remain engaged in the area. Canada especially should stay involved in Ukraine, if it wishes to contribute to stability in Eastern Europe, and to help overcome the division of the continent.

Friday, October 26, 2012

Member of Parliament one of 100s of Canadians monitoring elections in Ukraine

James Bezan, Member of Parliament (MP) for Selkirk-Interlake, travelled to Ukraine this week to take part in the largest election observation mission assembled by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). This is the second time MP Bezan will act as an election observer in Ukraine.

OSCE Parliamentary Association (PA) Vice-President Walburga Habsburg Douglas, (Sweden MP) Special Co-ordinator for the short-term OSCE observer mission, has asked Mr. Bezan to be the regional co-ordinator of the OSCE PA team being deployed in the Chernivtsi oblast.
“Free and fair elections are essential for a healthy and vibrant democracy,” said Mr. Bezan. “It will be an encouraging step forward for the great country of Ukraine should it be able to conduct elections free of intimidation, fraud or voter suppression.” 
Bezan will be coordinating the flow of information from election observers back to Ms. Habsburg Douglas and the team in Kyiv. Ms. Habsburg Douglas also appointed Mr. Bezan as a member of the OSCE PA Advisory Board for the Ukrainian election.

He is also acting as the team leader of the Canadian OSCE Parliamentary delegation, which consists of parliamentarians from all official parties in both the House of Commons and the Senate. 
The Canadian delegation is part of more than 100 parliamentary observers from the OSCE PA, and more than 600 volunteer long term observers from the OSCE, all for the October 28 election.

Canadian parliamentarians will assist the OSCE in assessing the fairness of the elections and whether Ukraine will uphold its commitments to free elections as established in the 1990 Copenhagen Document. 
A further 500 volunteer Canadian observers have also been deployed by CanDem, supported by the Government of Canada.

Prime Minister Stephen Harper addessed the CanDem group before their departure. Excerpts of the speech (received courtesy Irena Bell of the Ukrainian radio program in Ottawa, and the PMO) aired on the Nanaimo edition of Nash Holos this past Wednesday, and will also air on this weekend's Vancouver and international editions.
Audio files will be available at the Nash Holos website.

Tuesday, October 02, 2012

Canada Troubled by Irregularities in Ukrainian Electoral Campaign

In response to the first interim report of the Mission Canada–Ukraine Elections 2012 electoral observation mission, Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister John Baird and the Honourable Julian Fantino, Minister of International Cooperation, issued the following statement:

“The Canadian election observation mission’s initial findings regarding the parliamentary election campaign under way in Ukraine are troubling," said  Foreign Affairs Minister John Baird and the Honourable Julian Fantino, Minister of International Cooperation.

“Free and fair elections that represent the will of the Ukrainian people are still possible. It is not too late. We call on Ukrainian officials to address all irregularities in the electoral process thoroughly and as a matter of immediate priority.

“Canada stands strong as a supporter of the Ukrainian people as they seek to build a nation based on democracy, respect for human rights and the rule of law. We will continue to closely monitor further reporting from electoral observers on the ground as the Ukrainian parliamentary elections approach, and will continue to raise these issues with the government of Ukraine.”

The report released today outlines a range of concerns with the present campaign, including allegations of restrictions on media freedom, procedural irregularities, incidents of vote-buying and undue pressure on candidates and campaign staff.

Mission Canada–Ukraine Elections 2012 is deploying 65 long-term and 365 short-term observers to monitor the October 28 parliamentary elections in Ukraine. The project is organized by CANADEM with the financial support of Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada and the Canadian International Development Agency.

Thursday, September 06, 2012

New director chosen for the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies

Dr. Volodymyr Kravchenko
New CIUS director.
Volodymyr Kravchenko, a well-known specialist in Ukrainian historiography and a professor of history at the V. N. Karazin National University of Kharkiv, Ukraine, is the new director of the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies at the University of Alberta.

Professor Kravchenko has taught history at universities in Ukraine, Russia, Poland, the US and Canada. He is the current president of the International Association for the Humanities and the author of about 150 publications, including five monographs.

Professor Kravchenko is also known as a promoter of Ukrainian studies. He is a founder and chair of the Department of Ukrainian Studies at the Kharkiv University, a founder and editor-in-chief of the journal Skhid-Zakhid (East-West), a member of the National Committee of Historians of Ukraine, and director of the Kowalsky Eastern Ukrainian Institute.
Professor Kravchenko was appointed CIUS director after an international search, and replaces Dr. Zenon Kohut, who has semi-retired. (Listen to conversation with Dr. Kohut here.) 

The new director intends to promote modernization of Ukrainian studies in the world, as well as to teach history and historiography of Eastern Europe at the University of Alberta.

The Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies is a leading centre of Ukrainian studies outside Ukraine that conducts research and scholarship in Ukrainian and Ukrainian-Canadian studies. More information about the institute is available at the CIUS website.

Tuesday, August 28, 2012

Ukrainian radio shows in Canada

These programs broadcast on a wide variety of stations, ranging from commercial to community and campus radio. 

Many programs have been on the air for decades. Others are more recent. With few exceptions, they are produced and hosted by unpaid (and unrecognized) broadcasters who pump out their programs week after week as a “labour of love” on behalf of the community.

In decades past, Ukrainian Canadian radio programs had limited distribution, for a variety of reasons. Some smaller stations had low-power transmission towers with weak signals. Since most programs were (and still are) produced and hosted by volunteers or self-funded individuals, there have been few resources to promote the programs. Commercial stations, whether mainstream or multicultural, private or public, generally did not (and still don’t) perceive Ukrainian programs as able to generate sufficient revenues to justify the expense of promoting them.

Today, however, listeners can tune in to radio stations around the world on computers and mobile devices, to any program they want broadcasting from anywhere in the world.

They can listen to the live streams of Ukrainian shows on stations that stream online. They can download apps to listen on their smart phones. And they can download podcasts to listen at their leisure on the device of their choice.

Listeners looking for “something different” from the mainstream are increasingly finding our programs online. Those who do are discovering the joy of Ukrainian music and folklore, and learning about Ukraine and its history in the process.

If you’re looking for shows to listen to, check out the list below.

Ukrainian Radio Programs across Canada
(East to West)
Program: Ukrainian Time
Hosts: Oxana Senkiv, Valentyna Golash and Rev. Dr Ihor Kutash (executive producer). Also on the team: Rostyslav Nyemtsev, Lina Gavrilova, Plato Boyko and producer, Simon Kouklewsky.
Content: Variety show featuring local and international news, politics, Ukrainian Catholic and Ukrainian Orthodox religious broadcasts, interviews, and Ukrainian music.
Details: Saturdays at 6-7 pm EST on AM1280 CFMB Montreal
Live stream & station information:
Podcast/archives/program information: 
Program: Ukrainian Program
Host: Irena Bell
Content: Variety program featuring contemporary and traditional music, news, interviews, reports, cultural curiosities, and more.
Details: Sundays 2-3 pm EST on CJLL 97.9FM CHIN Radio Ottawa
Live stream & station information:
Program: Radio Meest
Host: Yuri Kus and guest hosts
Content: Live variety program featuring music, local and international news, interviews and community events. Saturday’s broadcast is a religious program.
Details: Monday-Saturday 9-10 pm EST on CIRV 88.9FM  
Live stream & station information:
Program: Prometheus
Host: Roman Halushchak 
Content: Live info-political program with news from Ukraine, Canada and around the world, as well as weekly segments about health and music.
Details: Sundays 4-5 pm EST on AM1540 Chin Radio Toronto
Live stream & station information:
Program: Sounds of Ukraine
Host: Irene Momotiuk
Content: Variety music program featuring Ukrainian folk classics and dance music
Details: Saturdays 11am - 12pm EST on 99.1FM CJAM University of Windsor campus radio
Live stream & station information:
Portage La Prairie, MB
Program: Saturday Night Polka Party
Host: Ryan Simpson
Content: Zabava-type program featuring polkas and old-tyme fiddle and dance music by artists from around Canada and the United States, as well as young local up-and-coming polka bands.
Details: Saturdays 7-10pm CST on CFRY Radio 920 AM / 93.1 FM
Station information:
Program: Ukrainian Radio Program
Hosts: Ivas Zulyniak and Breanne Korban (Monday & Tuesday), Marta Skrypnyk (Wednesday)
Content: An eclectic mix of the newest pop and rock music from Ukraine, dance favourites, folk classics, and more.
Details: Monday-Wednesday 7-8pm CST on CKJS AM810
Live stream & station information:
Program: Zabava Program
Host: Nestor Shydlowski
Content: Zabava program featuring a mix of traditional Ukrainian music from the Canadian prairies.
Details: Thursday & Friday 7-8pm, Saturday 5-6pm CST on CKJS AM810
Live stream & station information:
Program: Muzyka Ukraine
Hosts: Ken Mazur, Yars Lozowchuk and Ed Lysyk
Content: Musical variety show featuring contemporary music from Ukraine
Details: Wednesdays 3-4pm CST on CJTR 91.3FM community radio Regina
Live stream & station information:
Program: Zabava Program
Host: Steven Chwok
Content: A mix of traditional country-style Ukrainian Canadian dance music from the prairies and more contemporary fare.
Details: Sundays 7-9pm MST on AM790 CFCW Edmonton
Live stream & station information:
Program: Radio Zhurnal
Host: Roman Brytan
Content: Western Canada’s premiere daily Ukrainian program featuring local and international news, interviews, music, and more.
Details: Monday-Saturday 5-6 pm MST, Sundays 7:30-8 am MST on World FM 101.7
Live stream & station information:
Program: Ukrains'ka Filharmonija
Host: Andrij Hornjatkevych
Content: Classical music from the 17th century (and earlier) to present-day avant-garde.
Details: Saturdays at 6.30-6:45 pm MST on Radio Zhurnal World FM 101.7
Live stream & station information:
Program: BUC Program [Brotherhood of Ukrainian Catholics, Edmonton Eparchy]
Host: Roman Kravec
Content: Ukrainian Catholic perspective featuring news on "Our Church"  from Ukraine, Canada, and local as well as music and interviews primarily (but not exclusively) religious in nature.
Details: Sunday 6 -6:30 pm MST on 101.7FM World FM
Live stream & station information:
Program: Vechirnia Hodyna
Host: Father Gabriel Haber OSBM (Order of Saint Basil the Great in Canada)
Content: Gospel reading for the day, with commentary by Father Gabriel, and Ukrainian religious (primarily classical choral) music.
Details: Sunday 6:30-7 pm MST 101.7FM World FM
Live stream & station information:
Program: Sounds Ukrainian
Hosts: Orest and Lada
Content: An eclectic mix of the newest in Ukrainian music: rock, pop, alternative, hip hop, club, classical, experimental, folk, blues, jazz and more.
Details: Fridays 7-8:30 pm MST FM88 CJSR Radio  University of Alberta campus radio
Live stream & station information:
British Columbia:
Program: Nash Holos Ukrainian Roots Radio
Hosts: Paulette “Pawlina” Demchuk MacQuarrie, Nina Daniluck
Content: Variety show featuring Ukrainian music, interviews, Ukrainian Food Flair, Ukraine News Outlook, cultural curiosities, and more.
Details: Wednesdays 12-1 pm, Radio Malaspina 1017FM.
Live stream & station information:
Podcast/archives/program information:
Program: Nash Holos Ukrainian Roots Radio
Host: Paulette “Pawlina” Demchuk MacQuarrie
Content: Variety show featuring Ukrainian music, interviews, Ukrainian Food Flair, Ukraine News Outlook, cultural curiosities, and more.
Details: Vancouver broadcast: Sundays 5-6 pm PST on AM1320 CHMB Vancouver.
Live stream & station information:
Podcast/archives/program information: